The subject of Irish representation has long been a matter of significance and interest, particularly within the city of Limerick. Recent discussions on this topic have sparked renewed attention, prompting a closer examination of the historical context and evolution of Irish representation. Limerick, a vibrant city with a rich cultural and political heritage, has played a notable role in shaping the discussions surrounding representation in Ireland. From the unveiling of commemorative plaques to the involvement of local leaders, Limerick serves as a fitting backdrop to explore the intricacies of Irish representation. By delving into the authentic details and referencing specific events and individuals tied to Limerick’s history, we can gain a deeper understanding of the subject and its relevance within the broader Irish political landscape.
In light of the ongoing discussions around Irish representation, it is helpful to examine the historical context and evolution of Irish representation since the early 19th century. The following details provide an authentic account of Irish representation, shedding light on the subject’s significance and its impact on Ireland’s political landscape.
Recent reports have highlighted the renewed attention given to the issue of Irish representation. On July 11th, 1904, it was announced that the newly-constituted Irish Council had placed the subject of representation on their agenda, reflecting the importance it held for the Irish population. Furthermore, the influential leader of the Irish party in the House of Commons, Joseph Chamberlain, was seen exerting his control and influence over the matter, seeking to advance his own interests.
It is crucial to dispel one common misconception about Irish representation during this period: the belief that Joseph Chamberlain, an English Protestant, was solely responsible for shaping Irish representation. In fact, Article IV of the Act established that 100 members would represent Ireland in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. This provision specified that there would be two members for the City of Dublin, two for the City of Cork, and one for Trinity College Dublin. Additionally, the 31 most significant boroughs in Ireland would each have one representative. The Act, therefore, clearly defined the allocation of seats for Irish representation.
Population statistics play a significant role in determining representation. According to the Act of Union, which came into effect on January 1st, 1801, the population of Ireland was approximately 5,174,836. Article V of the Act discussed the establishment of the Episcopal Church in Ireland as an integral part of the Union. Notably, the Act of Union did not consider the population figures as an essential principle of the Union, implying that the number of representatives allotted to Ireland was not fixed or based on population alone.
Subsequent reforms influenced Irish representation. Under the Reform Act of 1832, Ireland’s representation remained at 64 seats, with Dublin gaining an additional representative. However, the disenfranchisement of boroughs such as Cashel and Sligo in 1869 and 1870 reduced the overall number of Irish representatives.
In 1884, the Representation of the People Act brought significant changes to Irish representation. The Act increased county representation from 64 to 85 seats, while the borough representation decreased from 16 to 12 seats. Notably, four cities and boroughs, including Waterford, Limerick, and Galway, gained an additional representative each, while Dublin and Belfast increased from two to four representatives. These changes were based on population figures and the evolving political landscape of Ireland.
By 1902, according to the Irish electoral rolls, the number of Irish electors was as follows: County electors totalled 1,753,421, while borough electors amounted to 669,821. The University constituency had 5,492 electors, resulting in a grand total of 2,428,734 electors in Ireland.
It is important to note that the population of Ireland had decreased to 4,456,546 by the time of the last census. However, these figures did not necessarily directly correlate with the representation, as the Act of Union and subsequent reforms considered various factors beyond population alone.
Understanding the historical evolution of Irish representation provides valuable insights into the complexities surrounding the subject. As discussions continue on the matter, a comprehensive understanding of its historical context will contribute to informed and meaningful debates on Irish representation in the future.
Exeter and Plymouth Gazette – Tuesday 26 July 1904
